Stock market after george bush election

The president has touted the rally as evidence of success. What does this drop mean? For the past few months, President Donald Trump has happily, and consistently, claimed credit for at least one economic indicator: The Nasdaq dropped nearly 2 percent. The so-called Trump Bump refers to stock market indexes climbing since November of last year, soon after it became clear that Trump was going to pull off a surprising victory over rival Hillary Clinton.

What many thought might be a short-lived phenomenon was solidified when the rally continued into In January, less than a week after Trump officially took office, the Dow hit 20, for the first time ever a largely psychological milestone.

In fact, all three major market indices hit new highs , gaining more than 10 percent in the post-Trump victory market. Analysts speculated that markets seemed to be doing better amid political clarity, and hoped that a pro-business administration would lower corporate taxes and curb regulations. But it becomes a notable talking point amid a rally that has been so heavily politicized.

If politics is why the markets went up in the first place, it may be precisely why the market suddenly tanked as well: To understand how the standoff between Pyongyang and the world became so dire, it helps to go back to the country's founding. Over time, leaders lose mental capacities—most notably for reading other people—that were essential to their rise. If power were a prescription drug, it would come with a long list of known side effects.

But can it cause brain damage? When various lawmakers lit into John Stumpf at a congressional hearing last fall, each seemed to find a fresh way to flay the now-former CEO of Wells Fargo for failing to stop some 5, employees from setting up phony accounts for customers. Nor did he seem defiant or smug or even insincere.

He looked disoriented, like a jet-lagged space traveler just arrived from Planet Stumpf, where deference to him is a natural law and 5, a commendably small number. The Republican triumph in an affluent, educated Georgia congressional district showed GOP voters standing by their president.

Notwithstanding national polls suggesting about 39 percent approval for the Republican president, a more-or-less standard-issue Republican candidate won by about 5 percentage points in exactly the kind of affluent, educated district supposedly most at risk in the Trump era. But a big win is not the same thing as good news. The special elections of May and June offered Republicans a last chance for a course correction before the election cycle starts in earnest.

A loss in Georgia would have sent a message of caution.

The 'yuge' Donald Trump market rally continues - Nov. 10,

The victory discredits that argument, and empowers those who want Trumpism without restraint, starting with the president himself. The myth, which liberals like myself find tempting, is that only the right has changed. In June , we tell ourselves, Donald Trump rode down his golden escalator and pretty soon nativism, long a feature of conservative politics, had engulfed it. If the right has grown more nationalistic, the left has grown less so. A decade ago, liberals publicly questioned immigration in ways that would shock many progressives today.

Listen to the audio version of this article: Download the Audm app for your iPhone to listen to more titles. With the powers in Pyongyang working doggedly toward making this possible—building an ICBM and shrinking a nuke to fit on it—analysts now predict that Kim Jong Un will have the capability before Donald Trump completes one four-year term.

Though given to reckless oaths, Trump is not in this case saying anything that departs significantly from the past half century of futile American policy toward North Korea. Preventing the Kim dynasty from having a nuclear device was an American priority long before Pyongyang exploded its first nuke, in , during the administration of George W.

The Kim regime detonated four more while Barack Obama was in the White House. In the more than four decades since Richard Nixon held office, the U. If the party cares about winning, it needs to learn how to appeal to the white working class. The strategy was simple. A demographic wave—long-building, still-building—would carry the party to victory, and liberalism to generational advantage. The wave was inevitable, unstoppable. It would not crest for many years, and in the meantime, there would be losses—losses in the midterms and in special elections; in statehouses and in districts and counties and municipalities outside major cities.

Losses in places and elections where the white vote was especially strong.

But the presidency could offset these losses. Every four years the wave would swell, receding again thereafter but coming back in the next presidential cycle, higher, higher.

The presidency was everything. She lived with us for 56 years. She raised me and my siblings without pay. I was 11, a typical American kid, before I realized who she was. The ashes filled a black plastic box about the size of a toaster.

Stock Market's Biggest Decline Since Trump Election - The Atlantic

It weighed three and a half pounds. I put it in a canvas tote bag and packed it in my suitcase this past July for the transpacific flight to Manila.

From there I would travel by car to a rural village. A new book points to the importance of strong conservative parties—and warns about the consequences when they fall short. Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy is written in fire. It delves deep into long-forgotten electoral histories to emerge with insights of Tocquevillian power, to illuminate not only the past but also the present and future. The non-rich always outnumber the rich. Democracy enables the many to outvote the few: If the few possess power and wealth, they may respond to this prospect by resisting democracy before it arrives—or sabotaging it afterward.

Yet either position, fifth or sixth, is misleading: The daily appearance by the press secretary has become rarer, and moved off camera. The daily briefing is a venerable Washington tradition, though one that has often been a target of criticism. But instead of canceling them entirely, the White House has appeared to embrace a different strategy: Guidance for the briefings have begun to include a note that audio from them cannot be used.

Additionally, though Trump has held short press conferences when foreign leaders visit, he has not held a full press conference since February.

The quality and variety of food in the U. The business seems to be struggling.

But in cities across the U. Humans aren't the only mammals who kill each other. So how do we stack up to lions, tigers, and bears? Lacey Schwartz grew up in an upper-middle-class Jewish household, and never once questioned her whiteness—despite not looking like anyone in her family.

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How the stock market performs on, and after, Election Day - MarketWatch

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Most Popular Power Causes Brain Damage Jerry Useem Jun 18, It's Trump's Party Now David Frum Franklin Foer Jun 20, Gillian B. Latest Video How North Korea Became a Crisis To understand how the standoff between Pyongyang and the world became so dire, it helps to go back to the country's founding Daniel Lombroso , Jackie Lay , and Mark Bowden Jun 19, About the Author Gillian B. White is a senior associate editor at The Atlantic.

Most Popular Presented by. Justin Renteria Power Causes Brain Damage Jerry Useem Over time, leaders lose mental capacities—most notably for reading other people—that were essential to their rise. In the past decade, liberals have avoided inconvenient truths about the issue. There are no good options. But some are worse than others.

Why do democracies fail?

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